Here’s What We Know About Peter Obi’s Petition Against Tinubu and INEC

In September of 2023, hundreds of Ghanaians took to the streets of Accra to protest bad governance, high cost of living, and other social issues that have made their lives unbearable under the umbrella theme, “#OccupyJulorbiHouse.” The phrase, comprising the Ga words julor (the thief), and bi (the child), Julor-Bi, means “child of a thief.” 

Organized by Democracy Hub (a pressure group in Ghana), the three-day protest began online with social media users calling for the government to fix a range of issues plaguing the country’s people. Between the 21st and the 23rd of September, the protests would move from social media to the streets of Accra. The demonstrations were, however, met with government pushback with hundreds of protestors and journalists being arrested and detained. Following the efforts of several lawyers, all detained protestors were released.

In the 12 months since #OccupyJulorbiHouse, the agitations for a better standard of living have continued, with the government’s unresponsiveness necessitating another major demonstration. As such, Democracy Hub put plans in place to stage a new round of protests from the 21st of September to the 23rd of September 2024. Among the issues that motivated this second wave of demonstrations was the pressing issue of galamsey, which means illegal mining. Galamsey has been in practice for years, and despite promises by the government, including the president, to stop Galamsey, nothing substantial has happened.

Faceless individuals encouraging galamsey would be stopped – Akufo-Addo assures https://t.co/1cWHwpAugH

— Nana Akufo-Addo (@NAkufoAddo) May 14, 2017

This past August, Ghana Water Limited reported on the impact that Galamsey was having on the country’s water supply, causing shortages and leading to various communities around the country having less and less access to clean water. In fact, in 2011, a report by BBC Africa stated that Ghana may have to import water by 20230 if illegal mining is not addressed. Currently, 60% of Ghana’s water bodies have all been polluted.

Days before the protests, the Ghana Police Service issued a communiqué announcing they had secured a court order placing an injunction against the protests. They would later reveal in an updated communique, a meeting with Democracy Hub where new routes for the demonstration were suggested. Despite the communique, the original plans for the protest would be greenlit by organizers who cited a lack of compromise and a rejected proposal to the Ghana Police. 

By the afternoon on the September 21st, hundreds of protestors had gathered at the 37 Roundabout in Accra, with placards voicing their grievances. The low turnout did not deter those present, though, and the event helped put pressure on the government to take action against illegal mining. 

What began as peaceful soon turned sour when protesters were once again met with heavy police presence and pushback, reminiscent of what happened last year. Tensions rose, and protesters were arrested enmasse and whisked away to various police stations across the capital.

Unlike last year, the protestors who were arrested in this year’s demonstrations were put behind bars with no access to lawyers and quickly slapped with charges including conspiracy and unlawful assembly, causing unlawful damage, offensive conduct to breach of peace, assault on a public officer, and defacement of public notice. They were arraigned before the court without the prior involvement of lawyers who were moving across Accra trying to track the locations of the arrested protestors.

As Multimedia Group journalist Kenneth Darko told me, “A total of 51 people have been arraigned at the Circuit Court in Accra. As of today (26th September 2024), all have been denied bail and remanded into police and prison custody.” The detainees include a pregnant woman, an asthma patient whose family was denied contact even when they reached out with medication. Other detainees include Ama Governor, a lawyer, YouTuber, and activist; and fashion influencer Glenn Sam. All have been remanded until another court hearing on October 8th and 11th, 2024.

The detainees face eight charges, including conspiracy to commit a crime; namely unlawful assembly, unlawful assembly, causing unlawful damage, defacement of public notice, offensive conduct conducive to a breach of the peace, and assault on a public officer.

Protest convenor Oliver Barker-Vormawor faces all the aforementioned charges, along with an additional charge of stealing. Despite the arrests, he praised the coverage of the proceedings as a well-rounded affair, with everyone from traditional media to other digital and social media platforms putting their best forward and staying committed to presenting the facts of the developing story. 

However, as a journalist and a citizen, Darko feels that the charges are unjust. “It has been challenging to separate personal feelings from some developments,” he says. “For instance, the remand of 11 individuals into prison custody seems extreme, especially since the justification stems from inadequate police facilities to house them. Some Ghanaians are questioning why bail wasn’t granted instead of treating detainees, who are still suspects, with such severity. This, among other issues, including the fact that one of the protestors present in court, Felicity Nelson, was not even listed among the accused, according to her lawyer, is quite embarrassing and creates room for further suspicion. The detention of the pregnant woman and the general detention of most of them for over 48 hours (which is unlawful) before arraignment do not speak well of Ghana’s democracy.”

In the midst of all this, media outlets like the country’s Daily Guide have painted false narratives of the happenings in their reporting. The arrested protestors have been described as members of Ghana’s opposition party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC). Even worse, a committee from the Youth Wing of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP)has shown support for the arrest and called for the prosecution of those arrested while describing them as “hooligans.”

Ibrahim-Anyass “Mo” Muhammed Esq, a lawyer representing the detained protestors, believes that they are not being treated fairly. “I have been in court twice. On the 25th and 26th of September, 2024. My observation of the protestors is that they were not in very good shape,” he says.“Most of them were complaining about the lack of space and the terrible conditions of our cells. That is the general view of cells in Ghana. They are not very conducive places for anyone to be. But there were more pressing concerns about insects, and getting sick without anyone readily assisting them with medication or medical care. I have a client personally who has bemoaned the state of the cell, saying that he suffered an asthmatic attack and still did not get the help he deserves.”

With this year being an election year, Mo explained how the current climate would affect subsequent protests but reaffirmed the rights of Ghanaian citizens to embark on peaceful protests. “The public will be conscious of the process or procedure for embarking on peaceful protests, which the constitution confesses to all citizens of Ghana,” he adds.“This is an election year, so all types of protests or demonstrations will be scrutinized by law enforcement agencies. I think that is why we have seen this level of toughness from the police.

“The police, under the Police Order Act, have the discretion to provide you with the necessary tools – the mode of exercising your protest, the routes to use, and the means to achieve it. The police have sometimes abused the power in the mode of exercising the mode of protesting.” 

While the police have provided updates on matters pertaining to the protests, members of the media and citizens on the ground have poked holes in some of their statements. Particularly the arrest of one Benjamin, who was detained by the police as he was delivering essential products to arrested protesters, as reported by journalist, Olele Salvador. Additionally, a video posted by Joynews on X,  shows a family of a detainee being denied access to give drinks and water to the detainee.

ICYMI: Ben (circled in this photo) is the same Benjamin mentioned in the tweet below who was arrested for delivering essentials to detained protesters. He wasn’t even at the protest. In fact, he was the one delivering the ‘Papaye’ meals to the protesters, which the police… https://t.co/QR8ECYJ4KZ pic.twitter.com/IJ7aMtL0Hs

— Ölele | DTS (@OleleSalvador) September 27, 2024

For many young adults, the current happenings are a show of dictatorship, disregard for human rights, and abuse of power by the government. They feel betrayed by a government that has heavily disappointed them with their lackadaisical running of the country’s affairs, which has brought many to a breaking point.  Seli, a friend of a detainee, shared how angry this whole process makes her feel. “It started off as a very scary thing, how ‘people in power’ decided to handle the protest. A group of old people somewhere suddenly feel threatened by a group of young, educated people. Protests happen every day in this country, but suddenly, it is this caliber of protests they choose to stifle and intimidate protestors. It is very upsetting seeing the way they [the leaders] have been moving, how they are blatantly disregarding human rights and disrespecting the law. Initially, it was scary, but now I am just angry at their audacity, feeling like they can get away with this. A friend of mine being a detainee was hard to come to terms with, but my friends have come together to create a community where we can cheer and console each other and be there for our friend.”

Mo asserts the need for trust between all parties and the system. “There is general distrust among citizens of the country and the hard lining in what happens to be partisanship treatment of the demonstration, where some people believe the protestors are agents of the opposition and the government does not believe there is genuine concern for the demonstration,” he explains.

“The protestors need to also express their frustration because the issue of galamsey is a national concern, and they feel they need to awaken the government. The effects of galamsey affect our lives as Ghanaians. I still believe protestors need to be treated fairly. The moment someone protests, it means there is a concern to be addressed. Any government should lend an ear to protestors and address them in due time but not immediately stampede with all the force of the state. We need a level of trust within the judiciary, the executive (police), and the citizenry.”

Seli also believes politicians need to understand their role in governance. “My perception of the government has not changed. I never thought they were good people. There is this misconception that ‘people in power’ are powerful, that they’re masters, but what they fail to remember is that they are servants, public servants. They are supposed to serve the people, and this has just reminded me of how much of a dissonance there is between what their actual job is and what they think their jobs are. This has proven to me that they are really committed to destroying and tearing this country apart just to fill their pocket.”

Across social media, people are calling out organizations, celebrities, and anyone of influence to draw attention to what is happening in Ghana. The push for the release of those arrested under the #FreeTheCitizens campaign on social media is quickly attracting attention, with another protest taking place from October 3rd to 5th to demand the release of the arrested protestors. With most of the detainees still awaiting their day in court, it’s left to be seen what the full ramifications of these arrests will be.

The issue of Galamsey should be treated as a national emergency and not peddled as political party disputes. The stance of the police and judiciary in handling this case sets a bad precedent that undermines the rights of the people and tenets of the constitution, which states the protocols that should be adhered to when it comes to issues like this. Sections of the youth, despite state pushback, remain committed to not only pushing for the freedom of the detained protestors but also a ban on Galamsey, among other pressing issues affecting the state of the country. 

The liberation of any people depends on who is standing on the front lines of its struggle. For South Africa it was Nelson Mandela and for Kenya, though still hotly debated, it was Jomo Kenyatta who sneakily “led” the country to independence. Over six decades after becoming a republic, Kenya still languishes in the shadow of neo-colonialism. Corrupt, nepotistic and a fascist “democracy” are all terms that can be used to describe the state of the nation in the past few years. Power is held by two major tribes, the Kikuyu who are from the Bantu Speaking Group in Central Kenya, and the Kalenjin who are from the Nilotic Speaking Group in the former Rift Valley province. Both groups have taken turns ruling the country, always ensuring their tribesmen are in government and their power absolute.

Kenyan youth, through history, have rarely had their say in government. This was patently obvious in the previous general elections which saw William Ruto win the presidency where less than 5% of Kenyan youth actively participated in voting. The fact that we, the youth, have grown up under a regime of political dynasties where the same leaders are cycled through different government offices backed up by stolen elections, has created a country of youths who have no hope. If you asked any of us about the elections, the most popular answer would likely be: “I don’t bother myself with politics because we can’t change it.” Two months before the bill was publicised, Citizen TV Media Station hosted an interview with finance experts explaining the process leading up to the passing of the 2024 Finance bill, while discussing what to expect. Unlike 2023, when the public was made aware of the bill and public participation was enforced, very few youth were involved in public consultations. This means the 2024 finance bill was already on its way to parliament for the first reading by the time much of the public was made aware of its existence. This was enough to rile up the country’s Gen Z for a movement that would be unforgettable in Kenya’s history. Fast forward a few weeks, and the prevailing discourse among young people shifted from daily conversations about partying and bullying each other on X, to topics that were more politically driven, focusing on the 2024 finance bill. 

May 2024 was when conversation about the finance bill really started to become popular online. Famous influencers like Mike Muchiri started by criticizing the 2023 bill, which included a Housing Levy Tax that was passed following a year of heavy taxation. This was the final blow that forced the country to pay attention to what the 2024 bill contained. Further, he took the initiative to create a TikTok channel that included people from all 47 ethnic tribes in Kenya with the aim of breaking down the bill in ways that would make it easy for the common Kenyan to understand. X users followed suit, with numerous influencers such as Kasmuel McOure speaking out about the issues the bill had. It was clear that there was a paradigm shift in our participation in the country’s governance. 

What followed was a ripple effect. Gen-Z users on X created FinanceGPT, a limited online copy of AI application ChatGPT which was coded to break down the Finance Bill details for easier understanding. This lead to the start of the #RejectFinanceBill2024 online movement, which attracted so much attention the Kenyan Government censored the hashtag with spam bots and paid influencers who were “siding” with them. 

But all attempts by the government to try and sabotage the #RejectFinanceBill2024 movement only led to its increased relevance, with almost every Kenyan on X using the hashtag in all of their tweets. This further pushed the issue into the massive Tiktok community, resulting in the inclusion of Millenials and Gen Alpha in the conversation. The explosion of this early grassroots resistance fuelled the government’s anger towards its young citizens, leading to the introduction of the popular phrase and movement “Leta number tumsalimie” translating to “bring the leaders numbers, we say hi.” Kenyans spammed corrupt leaders with calls, text messages and even WhatsApp messages, trying to hold them accountable for their actions. Members of Parliament were spammed on almost every platform, as citizens urged them to vote no and drop the bill. In response, some government leaders sent back abusive texts and told people to work hard so they could afford the heavy taxation. This flagrant display of government corruption ignited a new kind of fire among Kenyan citizens, pushing them to embark on nationwide protests to further push the #RejectFinanceBill2024 movement.

For his part, current president William Ruto Samoei, urged the Kenyan National Assembly to pass the recommended bill regardless of what Kenyans demanded. This pronouncement was followed by the first peaceful mass protest, “Tokea Tuesday,” held on Tuesday, June 18. The results of that protest were positive, despite the police using brutal force by deploying teargas canisters, water cannon trucks, beating peaceful protesters, shooting rubber bullets and arresting innocent people who were exercising their democratic rights under Article 37 of Kenya’s constitution. 

This incident showed the disconnect between the Kenyan people and our leaders, as the proposed finance bill was set to heavily burden everyday Kenyans with high taxes, making life in the country unbearable. The bill was set to introduce a Motor Vehicle Tax with a rate of 2.5%, a Withholding Tax on goods supplied on public entities with rates of 3% on residents and 5% on non-residents, a new tax on the digital economy where anyone who monetizes digital content is taxed at a rate of 5% for residents and 20% for non-residents, and a Significant Economic Presence tax at 30% for certain non-residents, a replacement for the National Health Fund Insurance (NHIF) which is the SHIF (Social Health Insurance Fund). The already-existing post-retirement medical funds together with the ‘affordable’ housing levy would now become deductible funds, a staggering increase in the VAT (Value Added Tax), along with a tax on diapers, sanitary pads among other imported manufactured goods together with ancestral land. The amendments on the Lands Act of 2022 would force citizens to pay taxes for land inherited from family. This is merely a glance at the gruesome Finance Bill of 2024, proposed to improve the economy but instead seeming to be a way of improving the top government’s way of life and of funding weekly tours around the world for elected officials.

On Thursday June 20, the second wave of the #RejectFinanceBill2024 movement took off, which ultimately led to bloodshed within the Nairobi Central Business District. Protesters were subjected to unspeakable brutality from the National Police Service as thousands of Gen Z youth turned up adorned in black, marching through the streets chanting “We are peaceful,” while holding placards that expressed their grievances about the bill. But despite the bleak circumstances, the young people present at the protests found ways to be joyful, singing the popular protest anthem “Anguka Nayo,” while dancing and resisting unlawful arrests. In the evening, the police sent out plain clothes officers who shot at random civilians regardless of whether they were part of the march or were simply outside going about their day. During the march, hundreds were injured and two casualties, Rex Masai and Evans Kiraitu, succumbed to injuries from live bullets. “They sent goons who looted shops to make it look like we were at fault,” said George Kihoti, who was one of the protesters. “Afterwards they sent undercover police who sprayed live bullets at everyone causing confusion.”

We expected the Cabinet Secretaries, who are Ruto’s right hand men, to condemn the brutality after the loss of lives. Instead they mocked us telling us they have been in our position before, calling the protests useless and bearing no fruits. Those who are supposed to advise the president on the situation of the country instead turned their backs on Kenyan youth. 

As the bill approached its third and final reading before the president signed off on June 27, Kenyans coined the term “Seven Days Of Rage,” and changed the hashtag from #RejectFinanceBill2024 to #OccupyParliament. This was a call to all youth within the country to come out and show their disapproval of the Finance Bill. Towns were filled with water dyed pink and green by police water cannon lorries throughout the week as the protesters showed up in massive numbers. 

On June 27, 196 Members Of Parliament voted for the bill while 105 voted against it. This enraged Kenyan youth, causing the protests to turn violent as paid goons infiltrated the formerly peaceful demonstrations. This caused widespread confusion, leading to looting and destruction of both private and public property and the storming and infiltration of the Kenyan parliament. Police followed this with snipers and live ammunition, blood and brains scattering outside the parliament building. Still, the young people who had just survived the frontlines of this bloody incident took care of the deceased by covering them with the Kenyan Flags while singing the national anthem, throwing their arms in the air. At the same time, police fired teargas canisters at both the deceased in the street and the protestors trying to retrieve their bodies. “It was disheartening,” George Macharia, a protester who was on the frontline said of the massacre. “We watched the brains of one of our agemates smear on parliament road. The same parliament that is supposed to defend us.”

Meanwhile, Ruto – who is both a darling of the West and a pathological liar – denied that lives were lost, calling the Gen Z protesters spoiled brats while cabinet secretaries spoke down on them, mocking them for coming out to the protests with Keringet bottles of waters (Kerigent is a mineral water company  that is associated with the middle and upper classes in Kenya), driven by Ubers and having lunch breaks at KFC. The night the bill was passed, the National Police Service, aided by the country’s Special Teams, went to the city of Githurai situated along Thika Road and fired live rounds of ammunition at residents there. The resulting  casualties were those seen in videos of the police dragging dead bodies into lorries with no registration plates. Those bodies are still being found in different locations around the country, as the government attempts to mask the number of casualties. This was termed as the “Githurai Massacre,” soon followed by the “Rongai incident,” where police again shot multiple rounds at peaceful protestors and random civilians, including two children aged 9 and 12 who were just going to the shops. 

In the aftermath of the unrest, Ruto stated that the bill would need to be revised, but Kenyans are in doubt. In Kenya there is a law that states if a bill is not passed in parliament, the parliament has 14 days to revise the bill and incase of no agreement, the bill will automatically be passed. At the moment, the Finance Bill was set to be amended and unfortunately no one knows where the bill stands. While conversing with different Kenyans you hear a variation of answers but the most common one is, the bill was already passed and the president pulled a PR stunt by “recalling” the bill. There have been noticeable changes in the cost of living in some areas, the price of a single stick of cigarettes was increased by  5/= making the cheapest pack 300/=. A 100/=increase. Groceries, commuting fares and even food prices have slowly been appreciating. 

The pressure of this grassroots movement powered by Kenyan Gen Zs, has caused the entire continent to pay attention to our requests. While the president asked for dialogue between Gen Z leaders and himself, he stood shocked after he found out the protests were leaderless: we all came out to the streets to demand that the bill be cancelled not because we were organised by a union, but because we were tired of living under a corrupt leader while taking on heavy taxations. Ruto was ultimately forced to dissolve the same cabinet that mocked us for our attempt to #RejectTheBill. 

Thanks to the iPhones, KFC and Uber service the government tried to disparage, we made it happen. The last time the Kenyan cabinet was dissolved was in 2005 when the country’s third president, the late Mwai Kibaki, lost a referendum over a new constitution. While Kibaki’s move was the  result of him having no confidence in his government, Ruto had been under pressure defending his government despite the anti-tax campaigns. 

With that said, the fires of resistance still rage on, as Kenyan Gen Z youth demand the dissolution of unconstitutional offices such as the Office of the Prime Cabinet Secretary. Gen Z also continues to look into further government bills as the weight of the previous mass protests sits heavy in the country’s heart.  In the weeks after the dissolution of cabinet, the Kenyan youth are faced with another conundrum. While the president put on the facade that he had listened to the youth, behind their backs he had been trying to squash the protests. Ultimately, the Finance Bill 2024 was passed and new members were appointed to the cabinet, but to everyone’s shock it was a repetition of leaders who are incompetent full of embezzlement cases and drug cases. Just like Kenyan rapper Octopizzo said “The Movement is on!”

Three years ago, today, soldiers of the Nigerian army shot live bullets into a throng of unarmed civilians protesting against state-backed police brutality. In real time, many Nigerians saw how little valued their lives are, in relation to the unbending status quo that is the Nigerian system. Those shots pierced skins, took human lives and broke many hearts particularly that of young Nigerians. They also reinforced the notion that the Nigerian dream is to live far, far away in a country with better working systems.

Since the mid-2010s, the Japa phenomenon has been growing in popularity amongst young Nigerians, and the halting end to the End SARS protests in October 2020 definitely heightened those feelings of exodus. Anecdotally, most of us know at least one young person who’ve permanently relocated out of Nigeria in the last three, to the point where people have shared stories on social media of losing entire friendship groups. The End SARS protests have played a huge role in the decisions of many to leave the country and never look back.

Below, four people share the effects of the protests and the Lekki tollgate massacre on their eventual exit from Nigeria.

Today, we remember one of the gravest crimes committed against our generation at the Lekki Toll Gate.

May the souls of our dearly departed brothers and sisters continue to rest in peace. pic.twitter.com/fXaXVtl8fl

— The NATIVE (@NativeMag) October 20, 2023

I already had plans to relocate for my masters in the UK, but was delaying for unknown reasons. It became imperative for me to leave after the #EndSARS massacre of October 20, 2020.  While I watched DJ Switch’s livestream, I saw people shot down for no reason, but for protesting to thrive, and not just exist. I imagined what if I was the one, or maybe my beloved brother, that night, I started my plans to leave Nigeria. It was difficult finally making the decision to leave Nigeria, because I have always believed that Nigeria would be better, but that night, something broke in me. The love, and the belief of a better Nigeria died in me. I checked out of Nigeria.

The days that went by didn’t help matters. The state, and the federal government denied the massacre ever happened, and it clocked on me that Nigeria doesn’t value my life. It was so sad to see. I shed tears while I was leaving, because the EndSARS movement was special to me in many ways. While I haven’t been harassed by the police, it was important to stand and speak up for young Nigerians who have been harassed, dehumanised, and killed by these monsters in uniform. The 2023 elections was another opportunity for us to rewrite the history of Nigeria for better, but the establishment thwarted that effort. I strongly believe that Nigeria would be better, but sadly, I’m better off in that belief faraway.

– Obiozo, 27

The decision to leave Nigeria wasn’t primarily mine, to be honest. Everything was in disarray during that period, like federal unis were on strike and I had gotten admission into Unilag at the time, but we couldn’t resume because schools were shut down. Plus covid, plus existing students had a pending session to finish, so my dad just came and said we should work towards me studying abroad and relocating permanently. I joined the 2020 protests with my sister, for a few days, and the way things ended definitely shook me. It just made me start hating Nigeria and just how your life is under this cloud of uncertainty. So, yeah, thanks to my dad for getting me and my sister out of Nigeria, and fuck those killers who are part of the government.

– Olaide, 22

I actually didn’t think about leaving Nigeria immediately after the protests and it’s not because of any patriotism reason. But honestly, the whole judicial panel thing and the government not taking any real steps forward was part of what pushed me to take leaving Nigeria seriously. I actually heard those gunshots, I lived in Victoria Island with my elder brother, so we heard them shooting. I never really wanted to leave Nigeria but the opportunity presented itself, and it was during that time that the panels happened. It’s just crazy that people can die in that manner and no one has still been held accountable.

– T*, 30

Honestly, after that president’s address, I just thought that I needed to get my family out of Nigeria. I’d wanted to leave for a while, but a few things were delaying me. As soon as I saw the address on TV and the japa jokes on Twitter, I was just so damn sure that my two children are not growing up in a country where they would be treated like second-class citizens. At least, if they are abroad, they might face some issues, but the system actually works on a basic level. Also, what will happen to them if one random police officer stops me and kills me just because he can? We left in August of the following year and it’s the best decision we’ve made. Plus my two siblings came along soon after, so there’s family around us, and that was the only thing we missed for a while.

– C*, 34

ICYMI: GO THROUGH THE TIMELINE & AFTERMATH OF THE #ENDSARS PROTESTS